Indigenisation, Justice, and Reconciliation: Interpreting the Church of Ceylon through E-Consciousness and the 4-C Model

Abstract

This essay examines the historical formation and contemporary public witness of the Church of Ceylon—the Anglican Church in Sri Lanka—across education, worship, ecumenism, human rights, and peace-building. It interprets that witness through two complementary lenses developed by Lakshman Madurasinghe: the eight-point E-Consciousness framework (Eliminate, Exchange, Energise, Empathy, Encourage, Esteem, Endure, Eternal) and the 4-C model of leadership (Competence, Commitment, Character, Consciousness). Read together, the two models help explain how a church planted in a colonial setting became, over the twentieth century, an indigenous minority community that has repeatedly attempted to hold together Sinhala and Tamil Christians, liturgical tradition and local culture, and pastoral care and public prophecy. The argument is not that the Church of Ceylon has been uniformly successful, but that its most durable contributions have arisen where spiritual conviction has been translated into institutional competence and moral risk.

Keywords: Church of Ceylon; Anglicanism in Sri Lanka; indigenisation; Lakdasa de Mel; Lakshman Wickremasinghe; Kenneth Fernando; Duleep de Chickera; Dhiloraj Canagasabey; Dushantha Rodrigo; ecumenism; peace-building; E-Consciousness; 4-C leadership.

Introduction

The Church of Ceylon (Sinhala: Lankā Sabhāva) is a small extra-provincial member of the Anglican Communion, under the metropolitical care of the Archbishop of Canterbury. Anglican worship on the island began in 1796; organised missionary work followed with the Church Missionary Society (CMS) in 1818; and the Diocese of Colombo was constituted in 1845 with James Chapman as its first bishop. A second diocese, Kurunegala, was inaugurated on 2 February 1950. Together the two dioceses constitute the Church of Ceylon. That institutional story is familiar. Less often asked is how a church that once functioned as the religious accompaniment of British power became a local body capable of criticising the state, sheltering the displaced, and arguing for a plural Sri Lanka.

Today, the Church of Ceylon stands as the second-largest Christian denomination in Sri Lanka, comprising an estimated 50,000 to 54,200 members

. This membership is distributed across the Diocese of Colombo, with approximately 40,000 members, and the Diocese of Kurunegala, with about 10,000 members

. While its institutional footprint began under colonial auspices, its structural evolution was complex. Between 1930 and 1970, the church operated as part of the regional Church of India, Burma and Ceylon (CIBC)

. When long-standing proposals to unite Sri Lankan Anglicans, Methodists, Baptists, and Presbyterians into a single "Church of Sri Lanka" faced decades of legal delays, the Church of Ceylon emerged in 1970 as a standalone extra-provincial jurisdiction

The question matters because Anglicanism in Sri Lanka has never been numerically large. Recent estimates place the community at a little over 50,000. Its public significance has therefore depended less on demographic weight than on schools, cathedrals, clergy networks, and a succession of bishops willing to speak beyond the sanctuary. Two analytical tools are used here. E-Consciousness, as articulated by Madurasinghe, is a sequence of eight intentional movements: Eliminate what deforms persons and communities; Exchange inherited forms for more truthful ones; Energise people and institutions; practise Empathy; Encourage constructive alternatives; Esteem local worth; Endure under pressure; and remain oriented to the Eternal. The 4-C model then asks whether an institution possesses the Competence, Commitment, Character, and Consciousness required to sustain those movements. Neither framework is a substitute for archival history. They are interpretive grids: they organise evidence already visible in the Church’s record.

I. Historical setting: from colonial establishment to extra-provincial church

Anglican work in Ceylon unfolded through three missionary streams: the CMS in many rural districts; the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG) in coastal and urban centres; and work among Tamil plantation communities. The Diocese of Colombo was disestablished in the 1880s and later joined the Church of India, Burma and Ceylon. After the formation of the Church of South India (1947) and subsequent united churches on the subcontinent, the two Sri Lankan dioceses became extra-provincial. The Church of Ceylon was incorporated by Act No. 6 of 1972. This legal and canonical path is itself a form of decolonisation. Yet structural independence did not automatically produce cultural or political independence. The harder work was liturgical, architectural, educational, and ethical: how to become, in Lakdasa de Mel’s phrase, not merely “Ceylonese Christians” but “Christian Ceylonese.”

II. The eight movements of E-Consciousness

1. Eliminate: ignorance, stigma, and inherited privilege

The Church’s earliest public claim was educational. CMS missionaries opened schools from 1818, beginning at Baddegama. Bishop Chapman, with SPG support, founded the College of Saint Thomas the Apostle in 1851 (later S. Thomas’ College, Mount Lavinia). The legacy of Bishop James Chapman, the first Anglican Bishop of Colombo, stands as a profound testament to how visionary foundations can both withstand and adapt to the shifting currents of history. Central to this legacy is the establishment of S. Thomas' College in 1851, an institution that continues to shape the educational and moral landscape of Sri Lanka. Trinity College, Kandy (1872), Ladies’ College, Bishop’s College, and a wide vernacular network followed. By 1910 Anglican schools numbered more than four hundred. After the Education Act of 1961, most vernacular schools were transferred to the state; a smaller group of well-endowed secondary schools and special-education institutions, including the Ceylon School for the Deaf and Blind (1912), remained under church auspices. The Church had helped to eliminate illiteracy in many districts; it had not eliminated the class hierarchy that its most famous schools still marked. The same impulse appeared in pastoral care for the sick and socially excluded. SPG clergy ministered at the leprosy hospital in northern Colombo; the Sisters of St Margaret, working in Ceylon from 1887, were associated with hospital and educational work. These efforts did not create a modern national health system, and it would be anachronistic to claim that they did. They did, however, treat people whom respectable society preferred not to see. Elimination also had an inward face. After independence and the Buddhist revival associated with 1956, Anglican leaders recognised that colonial privilege itself had to be relinquished if the Church was to have moral standing in a Sinhala-Buddhist majority society. That self-stripping—of Gothic presumption, English-only liturgy, and social aloofness—is as important as any school foundation.

All Saints' Church, Hulftsdorp consecrated in 1865

2. Exchange: from imported form to local idiom

Exchange is the constructive counterpart of elimination. The Ceylon Liturgy of 1938 introduced Sinhala musical settings drawn from folk tradition. At Christ Church, Baddegama, in the 1920s, Lakdasa de Mel and colleagues began reordering worship along Kandyan lines. The Cathedral of Christ the King, Kurunegala—foundation stone laid in December 1950, chapels consecrated in 1956, nave and principal furnishings in 1960—gave the experiment monumental form. Designed by P. H. Wilson Peiris, it fuses Polonnaruwa vaulting and Kandyan roof and decorative traditions. Kandyan lacquer, the Anuradhapura/Nestorian cross in brass, disava flags by Ena de Silva, a fresco by George Keyt, and a Lady Chapel painting by Nalini Jayasuriya complete a visual theology of belonging. Drumming at the altar and the incorporation of shabdha pūjā, mal pūjā, and pahan pūjā enacted the same exchange in sound and gesture. The later Cathedral of Christ the Living Saviour in Colombo continued the argument in another key: indigenous modernism rather than replica Gothic. Exchange, in this sense, is not decoration. It is a theological claim that the Word may take Sinhala and Tamil flesh.

Anuradhapura Cross

3. Esteem: honouring the soil without dissolving the Gospel

Esteem names the moral centre of indigenisation. De Mel, consecrated assistant bishop in 1945 and installed as first Bishop of Kurunegala in 1950, insisted that adaptation required “a waiting upon the Holy Spirit by the local Christians.” The point was not to baptise nationalism uncritically. It was to refuse the implicit teaching that holiness looks European. Esteem also required attention to the island’s religious majority. Anglican bishops and priests have, at their best, treated the Buddhist Mahā Saṅgha and Hindu leadership as neighbours in a shared civic space rather than as mere objects of conversion. That posture is uneven in the historical record; it is nevertheless one of the Church’s more important public habits.

4. Exchange beyond the parish: ecumenism and theological education

In 1963 the Dioceses of Colombo and Kurunegala joined the Methodist and Baptist churches—later joined by the Presbytery of Lanka—in founding the Theological College of Lanka (TCL) at Pilimatalawa. Instruction in Sinhala and Tamil, in a residential community of both ethnic groups and both sexes, made TCL more than a seminary. It became a rehearsal room for a united country. Affiliated to the Senate of Serampore College and long accredited within Asian theological networks, it has trained the large majority of clergy in its sponsoring churches. The Church of Ceylon was likewise a principal actor in the National Christian Council and in decades of church-union negotiation. Union itself remains incomplete. The ecumenical habit, however—shared training, shared public statements, shared relief work—has been one of Anglicanism’s most practical gifts to Sri Lankan Christianity.

5. Empathy: human rights after 1971

Empathy becomes historically visible when the Church leaves the classroom for the police station and the detention camp. Lakshman Wickremasinghe, Bishop of Kurunegala from 1962 until his death in 1983, was consecrated at thirty-five and became one of the youngest bishops in the Communion. A founder of the Christian Workers Fellowship (1958) and a founding member of the Civil Rights Movement (CRM) in 1971, he later served as CRM chairman. He opposed emergency excesses after the JVP insurrection, defended dismissed strikers in 1980, and, after Black July 1983, returned from England to go north and to say publicly what few Sinhala leaders would say: that the violence was a moral crime and that Sinhalese people must acknowledge shame. He died of a heart attack that October. Empathy here is not sentiment. It is the refusal to let ethnic kinship determine whose suffering counts.

6. Encourage: mediation and the long labour of peace

Encouragement, in this history, means insisting that negotiation is still possible when the political class has chosen war. Kenneth Fernando, Bishop of Colombo from 1992 to 2001, made a pastoral visit to Jaffna soon after his consecration and, on 10 January 1993, met Velupillai Prabhakaran together with other church leaders. He asked for a gesture of goodwill; two prisoners were released. He was criticised in the South, and parliamentarians demanded to know whether he should be prosecuted. He later joined official and inter-religious attempts at talks, including a 1999 visit northwards with Buddhist monks and other clergy. His house was bombed. He continued.

What It Taught the Church This controversial episode served as a profound learning crucible for the Church of Ceylon, embedding several critical lessons into its ongoing socio-political witness:

The Cost of Public Prophecy: The Church learned that authentic peace-building in a polarized, ethno-nationalist conflict carries a severe institutional and personal cost. Advocating for a pluralistic Sri Lanka requires enduring misrepresentation, hostility, and threats from one's own community.
The Unique Space of Pastoral Mediation: The event demonstrated that religious institutions possess a unique diplomatic agency. Where state politicians could not safely tread, the Church's moral authority allowed it to secure humanitarian victories—such as the release of prisoners of war—that conventional political channels had failed to achieve.
Character Over Popularity: It reinforced the necessity of moral Character within the Church's leadership framework. The backlash taught the clergy that taking a genuinely Christian stance on reconciliation means prioritizing human life and dialogue over preserving a comfortable, prestigious, and politically safe reputation in the capital.

Ultimately, Bishop Fernando's visit solidified the Church's mandate to act as a fearless mediator, teaching future Anglican leaders that the pursuit of peace often requires standing squarely in the crossfire.

Duleep de Chickera, Bishop of Colombo from 2001 to 2010, inherited the ceasefire, the 2004 tsunami, and the war’s end. Under his episcopate the diocese developed a Reconciliation and Peace Programme; women were ordained in the Church of Ceylon; Christ Church, Jaffna, was renewed as a place that kept the scars of shelling visible while becoming a centre for peace education. He submitted views to the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission, opposed authoritarian constitutional change, and, at the 2008 Lambeth Conference, preached an ecclesiology of inclusion before the wider Communion.

He outlined three central challenges for the Church during his address:

Rigorous Self-Scrutiny: Referencing the biblical teaching of the plank and the speck of dust, he urged the Communion to return to the disciplines of contemplation and self-evaluation. He cautioned against zealously trying to "uproot the unrighteous," pointing to the parable of the wheat and the weeds as a reminder to trust in God's ultimate judgment regarding sin, noting that "we are all a mix of the wheat and the weeds".
Unity in Diversity: He championed the ecclesiology of inclusion, explicitly declaring that the Church must provide equal space for "everyone and anyone, regardless of colour, gender, ability, sexual orientation". He described this diversity not as a modern compromise, but as a "cherished Anglican tradition" that must be reinforced with humility.
Prophetic Ministry: He called on the bishops to act as a voice for the voiceless and powerless—specifically those silenced by political, economic, or military oppression—and to boldly speak truth to those who control the lives of others.

He also brought a moment of levity to the deeply divided conference, drawing prolonged applause when he noted that he came from a country of five religions—"Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, Christianity and cricket"—and suggested the bishops take an afternoon off to play the sport.

These initiatives did not stop the war. Their value lies elsewhere: they kept alive a public language of structural justice, devolution, and multi-ethnic belonging when that language was costly.

The witness did not end with Bishop de Chickera. Dhiloraj Canagasabey, fifteenth Bishop of Colombo (2011–2020), a Tamil from Batticaloa married into a Sinhala family, gave the diocese a living image of reconciliation and, on Easter Day 2019, refused to leave the cathedral altar until the Eucharist was completed, afterwards urging the nation not to punish an entire Muslim community for the violence of a few.

His witness offered profound sociological and ecclesiological lessons, challenging the Church to operate from a higher behavioral and spiritual baseline across four defining dimensions:

1. The Consciousness of Incarnational Reconciliation

By visibly uniting Tamil and Sinhala identities within his own family, Canagasabey moved the concept of ethnic harmony from a sociopolitical abstraction to a lived reality. He taught the Church that transcending historical divides requires an elevated spiritual consciousness—one that refuses to be constrained by tribalism or historical prejudice. Reconciliation, in this light, was modeled not as a negotiated settlement, but as an organic, everyday practice of mutual belonging.

2. The Commitment of Liturgical Fortitude

His refusal to abandon the altar during the Easter bombings underscored an unyielding commitment to the sacred. At a moment when Christian spaces in Sri Lanka were under direct, lethal assault, remaining to complete the Eucharist was an act of profound theological defiance. It taught the Church that worship is not suspended by terror. The altar remains an anchor, visibly demonstrating that the forces of violence do not dictate the spiritual life or the timeline of the faithful.

3. The Character of Prophetic Restraint

Following the attacks, the societal reflex was a demand for retribution. Canagasabey’s immediate plea to protect the wider Muslim community from collective punishment was a radical demonstration of Christian character. He acted as a "circuit breaker" for communal violence. This taught the Church the difficult necessity of separating the actions of a radicalized few from an entire population, proving that true moral authority is forged in the radical protection of the vulnerable—even when the Church itself is the primary victim.

4. The Competence of Transformative Leadership

In the chaotic aftermath of the tragedy, Canagasabey guided a traumatized diocese with a steady pastoral hand. He famously urged the communion that "out of the debris of this chaotic situation something beautiful, something fragrant, something positive needs to emerge". This demonstrated the practical competence required to lead a grieving community away from the paralysis of victimization and toward constructive nation-building, cementing the Church's role as a primary agent of national healing.

Ultimately, Canagasabey taught the Church how to embody the archetype of the "wounded healer"—proving that the most powerful response to suffering is to hold the line of liturgy, justice, and unconditional love without yielding to fear.

The present Bishop, Dushantha Lakshman Rodrigo, consecrated on 28 October 2020 as the first Thomian to hold Chapman’s see, was appointed by the Archbishop of Canterbury after an indecisive election and charged to lead the Church of Ceylon toward full provincial status. A pastor-educator formed at S. Thomas’ and the Theological College of Lanka, he has emphasised counselling, youth work, and a nation built on inclusivity and justice—extending into the present the Church’s older labour of indigenisation, rights, and peace.

Over his first six years in the episcopate, Bishop Rodrigo has navigated unprecedented national turbulence, defining his tenure through a balance of institutional challenges and pastoral achievements:

Prophetic Civic Engagement: During the catastrophic 2022 economic collapse and the subsequent Aragalaya protests, Rodrigo fearlessly utilized his moral authority to publicly condemn government mismanagement. He co-authored definitive statements demanding economic relief for the suffering masses and firmly defended the democratic right to peaceful protest against state suppression, standing alongside the most vulnerable populations.
Navigating National Crises (2020–2025): His episcopate has been heavily defined by crisis management, beginning with the COVID-19 pandemic and extending through the devastating Cyclone Ditwah in December 2025. Under his leadership, the Church's Boards of Social Responsibility were rapidly mobilized to provide immediate, nationwide relief to displaced and impoverished communities, proving the Church's vital competence in national recovery.
The Provincial Transition Challenge: He continues to grapple with the structural and administrative hurdles of achieving provincial independence. While carrying the mandate from Canterbury to shed the reminders of a colonial past, the transition remains complicated by the Anglican Communion's traditional requirement of a four-diocese minimum, whereas the Church of Ceylon currently operates with only two.
Youth and Pastoral Formation: Drawing on his extensive background as a school chaplain and Headmaster of S. Thomas’ Preparatory School, Rodrigo has placed a major emphasis on youth engagement and psychosocial counseling. He has consistently urged the younger generation to pursue authenticity and spiritual grounding over modern materialism, adapting the Church's pastoral care to meet the severe psychological toll of ongoing national instability.

Ultimately, Bishop Rodrigo has sustained the Church's legacy as a vital indigenous community, ensuring that its liturgical tradition remains deeply connected to public prophecy, inclusive justice, and holistic pastoral care.

7. Energise: institutions that can move

A church energises civil society only if it has networks to mobilise. Parish structures, school alumni, the Mothers’ Union, youth movements, monastic experiments such as the Devasaranaramaya founded by Yohan Devananda in 1957, and later disaster-management partnerships have given the Church of Ceylon a reach larger than its membership. The 2004 tsunami response—temporary shelter, counselling, livelihoods, and school twinning—showed that competence under pressure is itself a form of witness. More recent partnerships in women’s savings groups and climate resilience continue that pattern.

8. Endure: an undivided church in a divided island

The most quietly radical fact about the Church of Ceylon is constitutional. The Diocese of Colombo includes the North and East as well as the South and West; Kurunegala holds the old royal and rural heartlands. Throughout thirty years of war the Church did not split along ethnic lines. That endurance is incomplete—congregations still bear the marks of language, class, and memory—but as a polity the Church remained a single body. In a country where other identities were weaponised, that fact was already a political theology.

9. Eternal: the source of the other eight

None of the above is self-justifying social work. Anglican life on the island has been fed by both Catholic and evangelical streams: daily office and sacrament, CMS conversion piety, and a high doctrine of the imago Dei. The last is decisive. If every person bears the image of God, then schools for the deaf, visits to Jaffna, and CRM petitions are not optional extras. They are the political form of worship. The Eternal, in the E-Consciousness scheme, is not an escape from history. It is the reason history is taken so seriously.

III. The 4-C model of institutional leadership

Competence

Competence is visible in the longevity of Anglican schools, in the architectural and liturgical seriousness of the Kurunegala cathedral project, in TCL’s bilingual formation, and in disaster response. It is also visible in synodical government, which the Diocese of Colombo adopted unusually early for a colonial church. Competence, however, has a shadow: elite schools can reproduce class privilege even while preaching character. A scholarly account should admit both.

Commitment

The move from a subsidised colonial establishment to a self-supporting indigenous church demanded commitment of a mundane kind: raising funds, keeping rural parishes open, remaining in war zones. Wickremasinghe’s rural diocese, Fernando’s illegal sea route to Jaffna, and parish clergy who stayed through bombardment are the measure. Commitment is proved less by statements than by who is still there when the road is closed.

Character

The Church’s public authority has been disproportionately personal. De Mel’s cultural imagination, Wickremasinghe’s refusal to spare his own community, Fernando’s willingness to be called a traitor, and de Chickera’s combination of pastoral patience and constitutional protest gave the institution a face. Character in this sense includes impartiality: the same voice that condemned militant terror also condemned state atrocity. Without that symmetry, “peace-building” collapses into party theology.

Consciousness

Consciousness is the 4-C name for what the eight E’s produce when they operate together: an awakened socio-theological awareness that will not divide the sacred from the secular. It is the difference between a church that runs schools because schools confer status and a church that runs schools because ignorance is a form of violence. The Church of Ceylon has not always lived at that level. When it has, it has punched far above its numerical weight.

IV. Limits and unfinished work

A scholarly blog essay should resist hagiography. Anglicanism arrived with empire; some of its schools became nurseries of a Westernised elite; church-union negotiations stalled; peace missions were sometimes naïve about the LTTE’s own violence; and a tiny church cannot substitute for a just political settlement. The Church of Ceylon is also still extra-provincial to Canterbury—an arrangement even recent Archbishops have described as a reminder of a colonial past. Post-war reconciliation, the unfinished demand for truth after the 2019 Easter attacks, and the gap between eloquent pastoral letters and everyday diocesan caution remain open assignments. The frameworks used here are useful only if they expose gaps as well as gifts: where the Church still needs to eliminate clerical authoritarianism and its remaining dependence on metropolitan rescue; exchange inherited class habits, especially in its most famous schools; and esteem voices—Tamil, women, plantation workers, persons with disabilities—that official history still tends to footnote.

A colourful tapestry—cathedral and people—awaiting a resplendent isle

Conclusion

The Church of Ceylon illustrates a demanding possibility: that a colonial church can repent of its privileges without abandoning its creed, and that a minority community can serve a whole nation without pretending to own it. Read through E-Consciousness, its history appears as a series of conversions—of architecture, language, political allegiance, and moral attention. Read through the 4-C model, those conversions lasted because they were housed in competent institutions and paid for by costly leadership. The result is not a triumphant church. It is a conscious one: still extra-provincial in canon law, yet no longer provincial in imagination; still small, yet repeatedly found where the country’s wounds are deepest. That combination—liturgical rootedness and public risk—is already its most credible offering to Sri Lanka. It can become more. Its own pages on “the Church of Ceylon for tomorrow” already point the same way: mission belongs to God; the Church is called to work with Christians of diverse emphases; and a sixth Mark of Mission now asks it to discern God’s presence among neighbours of other faiths.

If the eight movements remain more than a method of reading the past, the Church may yet be a beacon rather than a remnant: a dynamic voice with the people, especially with those who have no lobby and no majority. Its oldest gift to the island’s Christians is the habit of holding difference without rupture—Sinhala and Tamil, Catholic and evangelical, school and slum, cathedral and village chapel. That gift is now needed again.

Mainline churches still live with the unfinished dream of union. Beside them, and often beyond their notice, Full Gospel, Pentecostal, charismatic, and independent fellowships are multiplying week by week—in rented halls, village houses, and urban upper rooms. Some of these communities are heirs of a long island story, as old as the Ceylon Pentecostal Mission of 1923. Many more are new, fervent, and pastor-led. They bring heat where older churches have grown careful; they also live with suspicion on every side: from a state that treats unregistered worship as a problem, from neighbours who hear only “conversion,” and from mainline pulpits that hear only “sheep-stealing.”

There is a better Anglican way than either absorption or disdain. The Church of Ceylon does not need to become Pentecostal, and Pentecostal assemblies do not need to become Anglican, in order to recognise one another as kin. What Anglicans can offer, if they recover their own via media, is a safe and serious table. That means, first, dialogue without patronage: sitting with pastors of the National Christian Evangelical Alliance and with independent fellowships as partners, not as problems to be managed. It means, second, shared work before shared statements—disaster relief, counselling after trauma, care of the addicted and the displaced—because trust grows faster in service than in committees. It means, third, liturgical hospitality: opening cathedrals and parish halls for joint prayer at Pentecost, for Bible study in Sinhala and Tamil, and for the laying on of hands that does not demand a change of badge. It means, fourth, civic solidarity: speaking with one voice when newer churches are harassed over registration or land, since a wound to the smallest congregation is a wound to the Body. And it means, fifth, a discipline against contempt: Anglicans refusing to mock zeal as ignorance, Pentecostals refusing to treat sacrament and historic episcopacy as unbelief.

A church that has learned to esteem the soil, endure division, and exchange inherited hostility for hospitality can become that haven. Not a super-church. Not a regulator of the Spirit. A household in which the older communions keep their memory and the newer fellowships keep their fire, and both discover that the Gospel is larger than their factions. If E-Consciousness still has work to do, this is part of it: eliminate the fear of the other Christian; exchange rivalry for recognition; encourage a common witness to a wounded nation. Then the mushrooming of fellowships need not be a threat to Anglican identity. It can be a summons to a wider holiness.

Hope, in this register, is not optimism. It is the refusal to believe that a wounded nation, or a fractured Church, has spoken its last word. Where competence is joined to character, and consciousness to mercy, faith can still become praxis—and a small Anglican body can still give light.

The Church of Ceylon remains a colourful tapestry woven together—Sinhala and Tamil, cathedral and upper room, memory and fire—radiating the hope that Sri Lanka will yet emerge as a resplendent isle, and that theomorphos sapiens, a people formed in the image of God and awake enough to recognise one another, will live to see it unfold.

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